- China criticized the United States for adjusting its nuclear policy and increasing nuclear risks amid U.S. plans to resume nuclear weapons testing.
- The U.S. announced intentions to conduct nuclear tests soon, reversing decades of policy and raising global concerns about renewed arms races.
- China is rapidly modernizing its nuclear arsenal and condemned advanced missile defense systems like the U.S. ‘Golden Dome’ as technically unfeasible.
On November 27, 2025, tensions between the world’s major powers over nuclear policy and military technology came sharply into focus, as China issued a pointed critique of the United States’ evolving nuclear stance and the Pentagon moved to tighten scrutiny of Chinese tech giants for their alleged military ties. The developments, reported by Bloomberg and UNN, highlight a rapidly shifting global security landscape—one where old treaties are fraying, new weapons are being tested, and economic rivalry is increasingly linked to military competition.
China’s implicit rebuke of the United States arrived just after Washington signaled its readiness to resume nuclear weapons tests, a move that would mark a dramatic reversal of decades of American policy and potentially violate a de facto global ban on such tests. According to Bloomberg, the U.S. announcement followed Russia’s own recent tests of a nuclear-powered underwater drone and a cruise missile capable of carrying a nuclear warhead. In response, U.S. President Donald Trump declared that America would not “concede to adversaries in nuclear weapons testing” and that the U.S. would conduct such tests “quite soon.”
But what, exactly, did Trump mean? That question has left analysts and diplomats guessing. It remains unclear whether the president was referring to the actual detonation of nuclear warheads—a step not taken by the U.S. since the 1990s—or to an expansion of testing for delivery systems such as intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs). Either way, the rhetoric has rattled nerves in capitals worldwide, raising the specter of a renewed arms race and undermining long-standing efforts to restrain the spread and use of nuclear weapons.
China’s response was measured but unmistakable. In a statement that stopped short of naming the U.S. directly, Beijing warned that “some countries continue to adjust their nuclear policy, persistently maintaining huge nuclear arsenals, strengthening nuclear deterrence and combat potential, thereby increasing the risk of global nuclear conflict.” The timing was no accident: the statement came just as the U.S. was signaling a more aggressive nuclear posture and as the world marks almost three decades since the last Chinese nuclear test in 1996.
China’s position on nuclear arms has long been characterized by what it calls an “extremely restrained” approach. Beijing insists it will “never participate in a nuclear arms race,” and, as recently as October 2025, the highest body of the ruling Communist Party reaffirmed this stance. Still, China is not standing still. U.S. government estimates, as reported by Bloomberg, indicate that while China’s nuclear arsenal remains much smaller than those of the U.S. and Russia, it is expanding rapidly and undergoing significant modernization. Last year, China tested an ICBM and hypersonic warheads—technologies that use high speeds and maneuverability to evade interception. The Communist Party also revealed plans to “expand strategic deterrence capabilities”—military jargon that unmistakably includes nuclear forces—over the next five years.
The Chinese statement also criticized the push by “some countries” to develop advanced missile defense systems, such as Trump’s much-discussed “Golden Dome.” This system, envisioned as a shield to protect U.S. territory not just from rogue states but from major nuclear powers like Russia and China, has been dismissed by many experts as technically unfeasible. According to critics cited by Bloomberg, implementing such a system is “practically impossible” given the scale and sophistication of modern missile arsenals.
Meanwhile, the nuclear landscape is further complicated by the actions of other states. North Korea remains the only country known to have tested a nuclear bomb in the 21st century, detonating its last device in 2017. The U.S., for its part, withdrew in 2019 from a key Cold War-era nuclear disarmament treaty with Russia, citing Moscow’s alleged violations and the agreement’s failure to include China. That move, which was controversial at the time, has since paved the way for a less constrained era of nuclear competition.
Amid these strategic shifts, the U.S. and its allies are also looking to bolster their conventional military capabilities. As of late November 2025, Washington and Seoul are engaged in closed-door talks to jointly build nuclear submarines for both fleets. Admiral Daryl Caudle, commander of U.S. naval operations, told Bloomberg that these submarines “could help counter China’s rapidly growing fleet,” underscoring the sense of urgency felt in Washington about Beijing’s military buildup.
But the rivalry is not limited to missiles and submarines. Economic competition and national security concerns are increasingly intertwined, as illustrated by a separate but related development earlier in the fall. On October 7, 2025, Deputy Defense Secretary Stephen Feinberg sent a letter to Congress recommending that three of China’s most prominent technology firms—Alibaba Group Holding Ltd., Baidu Inc., and BYD Co.—be added to a Pentagon list of companies that allegedly support the Chinese military. This letter, obtained by Bloomberg, was addressed to the heads of the House and Senate Armed Services Committees and was sent just three weeks before Presidents Trump and Xi Jinping agreed to a broad trade truce.
The timing of Feinberg’s letter is telling. It came as U.S.-China trade tensions were nearing a boiling point, and as Washington was increasingly concerned about the role of Chinese technology companies in supporting military modernization. The list, which already includes dozens of Chinese firms, is part of a broader U.S. effort to restrict the flow of American capital and technology to entities deemed to pose a threat to national security. The inclusion of Alibaba, Baidu, and BYD—giants in e-commerce, artificial intelligence, and electric vehicles, respectively—would mark a significant escalation in the economic dimensions of the U.S.-China rivalry.
In the weeks since, the question of how to manage the intersection of economic interdependence and military competition has only grown more urgent. The trade truce between Trump and Xi, while easing some immediate tensions, does little to resolve the deeper issues at play. As both sides continue to modernize their armed forces, invest in new technologies, and maneuver for strategic advantage, the risk of miscalculation remains ever-present.
For now, the world watches as the U.S. and China navigate this new era of competition—one where nuclear weapons, advanced technology, and economic clout are all part of a high-stakes game with global consequences. The choices made in Washington, Beijing, and other capitals in the coming months will shape the contours of international security for years to come.