The Italian minority, concentrated along the Adriatic coast, enjoys a system of schools, newspapers, and cultural institutions in Italian. Bilingualism is protected by law.
The Hungarian minority, present in the Prekmurje region near the border with Hungary, has an equally developed schooling and media system.
The principle is not merely one of tolerance, but of active recognition: the minority language is not confined to the private sphere but enters the public domain as an element of citizenship.
This approach contrasts with the dominant assimilationist models in other European states, where linguistic diversity is perceived as an obstacle to integration. Slovenia demonstrates that linguistic pluralism can instead become a civic resource and a bulwark against marginalisation.
A lesser known but strategic aspect is the policy toward the Slovenian diaspora and communities in neighbouring countries [Italy, Austria, Croatia, Hungary], as well people of Slovenian origin further afield, from Argentina to Australia.
The Government Office for Slovenians Abroad funds schools, associations, and economic projects in border regions, creating transnational cultural networks that strengthen identity and bilateral relations.
A significant example is the Slovenia-Hungary programme: between 2018 and 2024, approximately seven million euros were allocated to local micro-enterprises in Hungarian Slovenian communities, promoting employment and cultural self-identification. This type of investment, based on synergy between economic development and identity recognition, represents an interesting model for European cohesion policies.
In this sense, Slovenia views minority protection not as a cost, but as an investment: a way to strengthen cross-border cooperation and regional stability. The logic is that of participatory local development, linking cultural identity, economy, and territory.
This contrasts with many other European countries, where minority policy is often relegated to the symbolic or cultural sphere, without connection to development strategies.
“For us, the diaspora is not just memory, but an active resource,” says Humar. “We invest in school projects, youth exchanges, support for cultural associations, and Slovenian-language media. In this way, we preserve a network of relationships that strengthens our global presence.”
Precarious position of foreign workers
Though primarily a transit country for migrants, Slovenia relies heavily on foreign labour.
In 2024, a little under 16 per cent of the workforce consisted of citizens from other countries, largely from the Western Balkans, but also from Ukraine, Nepal, India and the Philippines.
Labour needs, especially in construction, agriculture, logistics, and care, have made the migrant presence structural, even if barely visible in public opinion.
Mitja Zagar, a political scientist and co-founder of the Peace Institute in Ljubljana, highlights a paradox: “Slovenia needs migrants to sustain its economy, but tends to consider them temporary, almost invisible.”
This ambivalence is a common trait in many European societies.
Foreign workers are often employed under precarious conditions: short-term contracts, long hours, wages lower than those of their Slovenian colleagues.
NGOs report frequent cases of exploitation, especially among workers subcontracted through temporary agencies. In some instances, situations of forced labour have been documented, with illegal salary deductions and overcrowded housing.
Zagar stresses the importance of public oversight: “Labour inspections are the most effective tool against exploitation, but they require resources and political will,” he said. “Without investment in transparency and protection, trust between local communities and migrants is undermined.”
At the same time, there is a growing need for linguistic and cultural integration.
Knowledge of Slovenian is often a requirement for many professions, but public courses are insufficient and inflexible.
Some volunteer associations have stepped in with grassroots initiatives, teaching the language and guiding newcomers through the bureaucratic maze of asylum, permits, and health services. However, without a structured plan, inclusion remains fragile and dependent on individual goodwill.
The labour market integration of migrant women presents additional challenges. Many find work as caregivers or domestic helpers in Slovenian families, often without regular contracts. Care work, essential yet undervalued, reproduces forms of economic dependence and isolation.
Civic organisations: a democratic counterweight
A counterweight to the political context that sometimes oscillates between openness and nationalism, civil society in Slovenia has denounced a tendency to frame the issue of migration as one of security and to weaken protections for asylum seekers.
Although the temporary suspension of asylum rights was never formally introduced, the law that allowed for such a possibility was later declared unconstitutional by the courts.
In practice, however, numerous testimonies and documented evidence indicate that the right to asylum was systematically denied in Slovenia, even if this was never openly acknowledged by the police.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, there was also a noticeable increase in the number of detained asylum seekers. However, no legislative changes were made regarding the duration of detention.
Despite the difficulties, civil society continues to propose concrete alternatives. Amnesty, for example, has developed a reform plan based on three pillars: guaranteed access to asylum procedures, transparency in pushbacks, and strengthening local integration services. These recommendations have been echoed in the European Parliament’s annual reports on fundamental rights.
The actions of Slovenian NGOs show that, even in small-scale contexts, civic pressure can steer public policies toward greater equity and legality. It is an important signal for neighbouring countries, where cooperation between institutions and civil society is often weak or fragmented.
Security, identity and populism